Satu majlis berbuka puasa telah diadakan bertempat di perkarangan Pejabat DUN Selat Klang.
Aktiviti ADUN Selat Klang pada 20/09/08: Program Iftar Meraikan Petugas serta Sukarelawan Ketika Bencana Ribut
BURSA MALAYSIA MELANTUN NAIK PARAS 1025.70
Indeks Komposit Bursa Malaysia menambah 34.04 mata untuk mencapai paras 1025.70 selepas jatuh mendadak pada 19hb September 2008 setelah disokong belian saham mewah oleh pelabur institusi dan peruncit. Sentimen pelabur berubah setelah pengumuman dibuat bahawa peralihan kuasa mungkin dipercepatkan dan tiada lagi tangkapan individu di bawah ISA.
Volume: | 5869253 lots | |
Gainers: | 487 | |
Losers: | 175 | |
Unchanged: | 195 |
Read More “BURSA MALAYSIA MELANTUN NAIK PARAS 1025.70” »»
Aktiviti ADUN Selat Klang pada 20/09/08:Program Ihya' Ramadhan DUN Selat Klang di PutRA
Program di atas merupakan acara tahunan Muslimat DUN Selat Klang. Fakir miskin, ibu tunggal serta anak yatim diraikan serta sumbangan disampaikan hasil kutipan dana yang diusahakan oleh Muslimat dengan cara jualan kuih, "jumble sale", jualan barangan lusuh dan derma peribadi individu dermawan.
Read More “Aktiviti ADUN Selat Klang pada 20/09/08:Program Ihya' Ramadhan DUN Selat Klang di PutRA” »»
Aktiviti ADUN Selat Klang pada 20/09/08: Majlis Penyerahan Bantuan Bencana Ribut Klang
Aktiviti ADUN Selat Klang pada 10/09/08: Meninjau Kejadian Pecah Kedai di Sekitar No 100-120 Jln Sg Bertih Klang
Kelihatan seorang peniaga kedai logam sedang menceritakan pengalaman beliau. Walaupun memiliki CCTV namun penjenayah menggunakan kain bagi menutupi sebahagian muka mereka.
Read More “Aktiviti ADUN Selat Klang pada 10/09/08: Meninjau Kejadian Pecah Kedai di Sekitar No 100-120 Jln Sg Bertih Klang” »»
Aktiviti ADUN Selat Klang pada 19/09/08: Program Mengedarkan Bubur lambuk di Qariah Surau Qusyairiyah Sg Udang
TERESA HAS BEEN RELEASED FROM ISA SINCE THIS AFTERNOON
KUALA LUMPUR (AFP) - - An opposition politician held for a week under controversial security laws spoke of her relief as she was freed on Friday.
Teresa Kok, of the Democratic Action Party (DAP), was detained along with Malaysia's top blogger Raja Petra Kamaruddin under the Internal Security Act (ISA).
"I am happy I was freed. I am fine," she told reporters as she left a local police station.
"I do not know why I was freed today and I do not know why I was detained in the first place."
Her arrest drew public outrage and the Malaysian minister responsible for legal affairs resigned Monday over a series of arrests under the security law.
The ISA, which human rights groups have pushed to have abolished, allows for renewable two-year periods of detention without trial and is normally used against terror suspects.
Police said they arrested Kok last Friday because she was involved in a petition to silence the call to prayer in mosques in non-Muslim areas.
Kok has denied making such complaints.
Yap Swee Seng, director of the rights group Voice of the Malaysian People (Suaram) welcomed her release but called for those responsible for her arrest to be held accountable for abusing their power.
"We call for the immediate release of Raja Petra and all other ISA detainees. We demand the draconian security law to be abolished," he told AFP.
A journalist for a Chinese-language newspaper was arrested after reporting on racist comments made by a ruling party member but was quickly released after an uproar including from within the government.
Raja Petra, founder of the controversial Malaysia Today website, was previously charged with sedition and defamation after linking Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak and his wife to a sensational murder.
Kok's release came after Washington Thursday expressed "grave concern" over Malaysia's use of the ISA as a possible way to stifle dissent.
"The United States firmly believes that national security laws, such as the ISA, must not be used to curtail or inhibit the exercise of universal democratic liberties or the peaceful expression of political views," State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said.
"The detention of opposition leaders under the ISA would be viewed by the United States and the international community as a fundamental infringement of democratic rights and values," he added. Read More “TERESA HAS BEEN RELEASED FROM ISA SINCE THIS AFTERNOON” »»
BUKTI KESUNGGUHAN PAS DALAM PR
*Mustafa Ali akui faham teguran Mursyidul Am
*Mustafa Ali, Nik Aziz mend fences
Mustafa Ali akui faham teguran Mursyidul Am
Pesuruhjaya PAS Terengganu, Dato' Mustapa Ali menjelaskan faham segala teguran Mursyidul Am, Tuan Guru Dato' Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat terhadapnya baru-baru ini.
"Jadi apa sebab Tok Guru tegur saya itu saya fahamlah. Dan selepas itu saya ambil sikap tidak jawab Tok Guru. Saya sebagai anak, Tok Guru boleh panggil saya pada bila-bila masa sahaja. ,
"Jadi saya terus terang apabila keluar dalam Harakah kata Tok Guru tegur saya itu sebenarnya saya sudah menghantar mesej kepada Setiausaha Politiknya, Haji Annual Bakri Haron.
"Saya kata sampaikan terima kasih saya kepada Tok Guru. Jadi rasanya ada sesuatu yang Tok Guru tegur saya dan saya sendiri rasa tidak jelas. Jadi hari ini jelaslah," katanya kepada media selepas pertemuan dengan Menteri Kelantan di JKR 10, hari ini.
Baru-baru ini dalam wawancara ekslusif bersama Harakah, Mustafa yang juga Pengarah Pilihan Raya PAS Pusat mendakwa pertukaran kerajaan pada 16 September tidak menjadi kenyataan.
Ekoran itu Tuan Guru Nik Abdul Aziz menegur kenyataan tersebut kerana dianggap bertentangan dengan keputusan yang dicapai pada muktamar di Ipoh Ogos lalu.
Pesuruhjaya PAS Terengganu itu berkata, beliau tidak boleh hendak cerita apa dimaksudkan jelas itu.
"Sebagai anak saya kena mari. Jadi apa yang diterangkan Tok Guru saya fahamlah. Bagi saya sekarang sudah tidak ada apalah.
"Dan InsyaAllah seterusnya tidak ada apa. Saya puas hati dan faham apa hasil pertemuan tadi," katanya.
Menurutnya beliau dan Tok Guru sebagai ayah dan anak dan hubungan di antara ayah dengan anak.
"Hubungan ayah dengan anak kadang-kadang ada benda-benda kecil, sebab ayah rasa dia hendak tegur dia tegur.
"Dan sebagai anak apabila kena kena tegur kadang-kadang ada rasa hendak cakap atau lagu mana ke... itu sudah menjadi perkara biasa," ujarnya.
Beliau menjelaskan isu itu bermula ada hubung kait interview khasnya yang disiarkan Harakah sebelum ini. Image
"Jadi tidak berbangkit dengan mana-mana isu lain dan ia hanya ada kaitan dengan interview saya dalam Harakah sahaja. Saya hormat Tok Guru macam ayah saya," katanya.
Oleh itu beliau menolak andaian yang menyebut PAS dilanda krisis.
"Bukan krisis sebagaimana diperkatakan. Kita akui ada perbezaan pendapat itu dan bukan krisis. Tok Guru akan tegur semua," katanya.
Manakala Tuan Guru Nik Abdul Aziz berkata, isu itu seumpama kiambang bertaut bagi merapatkan hubungan kepemimpinan PAS.
Mustafa Ali, Nik Aziz mend fences
KOTA BARU (Sept 18, 2008) : Terengganu PAS Commissioner Datuk Mustafa Ali and Kelantan Menteri Besar Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat have resolved their differences over the current political development.
Mustafa said he clarified his statement, which was published by Harakah, PAS' official newspaper, to Nik Aziz when he called on the PAS spiritual leader at the latter's official residence here today.
He said Nik Aziz accepted his explanation and the meeting had diffused the so-called quagmire in PAS, with both agreeing to settle their differences amicably.
Denying that PAS was facing an internal crisis, he said the differences in opinions would not affect harmony in the party.
"Actually, PAS is not facing any crisis. We admit that there are differences of opinions but not a crisis. It was resolved today...both parties have understood it, there is no problem," he told reporters after the meeting which was called by Nik Aziz.
Mustafa was quoted as saying that Pakatan Rakyat's plan to form a new government on Sept 16, as announced by Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) advisor Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, would not happen due to technical factors and the political reality.
In his response, Nik Aziz took Mustafa to task by likening the statement to an 'Umno mouthpiece' which ran contrary to the Muktamar PAS and Syura Council's decisions to strengthen the Pakatan Rakyat.
Meanwhile, Nik Aziz said PAS was watching closely the current political scenario with the possibility of Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi handing over the reins to his deputy, Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak, earlier than the transition plan in 2010. ,/span> Read More “BUKTI KESUNGGUHAN PAS DALAM PR” »»
PERJALANAN RUH IBARAT SEEKOR HELANG
RUH YANG KELUAR DARI JASAD (KETIKA TIDUR ATAU SELEPAS MATI) DIBARATKAN SEPERTI SEEKOR BURUNG HELANG
OPPOSITION MP CAUCUS TO FREE TERESA
49 Malaysian MP Caucus to free ISA detainees
RESPONS KEPADA ARTIKEL SINAR HARIAN 18/09/08
Seperti Saudara maklum, Kerajaan Pakatan Rakyat Selangor mengamalkan antara lain sikap telus, adil dan profesional. Antara polisi yang digunapakai ialah menghapuskan sistem rundingan terus atau "direct negotiation" dan mengamalkan kaedah tender terbuka sepenuhnya.
Kerajaan BN/ UMNO yang lalu telah mengamalkan "direc nego" dan harga projek bebas ditentukan oleh syarikat kontraktor yang biasanya merupakan kroni Exco atau Menteri Besar. Jikalau sistem tender digunakan, ia tidak telus dan harga-harga tender tidak lagi suatu yang "rahsia". "Permainan harga" dijadikan kaedah untuk memenangi tender yang seawal lagi telah diketahui syarikat mana yang akan berjaya.
Kerajaan Pakatan Rakyat tidak memilih kasih serta bulu. Sama ada Ahli parti atau tidak, mereka diberi layanan yang sama. Meritokrasi diamalkan sepenuhnya. Track record, pengalaman serta kriteria lain diambilkira.
Sebab itu, tidak seperti kerjaan BN/UMNO yang dahulu, di mana ahli Majlis Perbandaran dianggotai oleh dua atau tiga orang ahli yang datang dari satu keluarga yang sama dan mereka juga sendiri berebut projek kerajaan tempatan serta projek pejabat Daerah, ADUN Pakatan Rakyat tidak dibenarkan menjadi ahli PBT. Selain menjadi wakil rakyat (ADUN), ADUN BN/UMNO juga berniaga serta mempunyai syarikat kontraktor pelbagai kelas.
Jadi, semua projek, tender dan lesen memerlukan sokongan ADUN atau wakil rakyat. Surat ini kemudian di bawa ke Jabatan Kerajaan yang berkenaan dan ini meletakkan pegawai jabatan yang berkenaan dalam situasi serba salah dan tertekan. Mahu tak mahu pegawai yang menjaga terpaksa menerima surat sokongan ADUN atau Ahli parlimen berkenaan walaupun kontraktor tersebut tidak layak atau mempunyai sejarah hitam tentang kerjanya.
Surat sokongan juga merupakan cara terhormat untuk mengatakan " Ini orang aku. Layan di dengan istimewa, kalau tidak terima akibatnya". Hal ini telah menjadi darah daging dan amalan kontraktor di bawah pemerintahan BN/UMNO. Inilah bermulanya bibit-bibit rasuah. Yang pasti inilah modus operandi "amalan kronisme, nepotisme dan kolusi".
Dari itu En Ahmad tidak boleh samakan ADUN BN dengan ADUN Pakatan Rakyat. Jika hendak bertemu Exco atau ADUN tentang projek, harap maaf, tiada apa yang hendak dibincangkan. Tetapi jika hendak bertemu bagi membincangkan masalah masyarakat, bagaimana menaikkan tahap keselesaan hidup, membenteras jenayah, mengadu tentang penyalahgunaan kuasa pihak berwajib dan sebagainya, maka pertemuaan sebegini sangat-sangat dialualukan.
Semoga penerangan ringkas ini memberi perspektif yang jelas kepada ahli parti, penyokong dan rakyat. Sila hubungi Pejabat Perhubungan Negeri untuk penjelasan.
Pengerusi Tetap Pas kecewa layanan Exco
TAMAN SENTOSA - Hasrat seorang perunding bebas untuk bertemu Exco Kerajaan Negeri di Bangunan Setiausaha Kerajaan Negeri (SUK) dekat sini, minggu lalu bagi meminta surat sokongan bertukar menjadi mimpi ngeri kepada beliau apabila diherdik di akhir pertemuan dengannya.
Menurut Ahmad Mohamed, 59, beliau tidak menyangka Exco tersebut yang selama ini menjadi idola beliau sejak muda lagi bersikap sedemikian.
“Saya datang berjumpa dengannya sebanyak lima kali namun hanya dapat berjumpa beliau sebanyak tiga kali dalam masa tidak sampai lima minit untuk membincangkan status tender di negeri ini.
“Namun pada pertemuan terakhir dengan beliau saya diherdik oleh Exco berkenaan dan saya amat kecewa dengan sikapnya itu,” katanya.
Malah beliau mendakwa surat sokongan yang diberikan Exco berkenaan tidak ubah seperti karangan pelajar sekolah rendah.
Beliau turut menunjukkan kepada Sinar Harian surat sokongan daripada Ahli Parlimen dan wakil rakyat di sini yang menurutnya jauh lebih baik daripada Exco terbabit.
Lebih mengecewakan, beliau merasakan seolah-olah ada sikap pilih kasih Exco berkenaan dalam menerima tetamu di pejabatnya.
“Saya rakyat yang inginkan perhatian namun beliau lebih mengutamakan mereka yang bergaya dan berkredibiliti daripada saya di pejabatnya.” jelasnya.
Ahmad yang juga Pengerusi Tetap Pas Cawangan Taman Sentosa menjelaskan beliau sebelum ini pernah berurusan dengan bekas wakil rakyat Barisan Nasional (BN) namun mendapat layanan yang amat istimewa daripada mereka.
“Saya pernah berurusan dengan bekas Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri (ADUN) Selat Klang, Tan Sri Onn Ismail satu ketika dulu dan beliau sanggup berurusan sehingga di luar waktu pejabat.
“Jika begini layanannya, saya tidak akan berjumpa dengan beliau dan berharap beliau akan berubah,” ujarnya yang turut memuji bekas ADUN di sini, Kamala Ganapathy kerana pandai mengambil hati rakyat.
Tambahnya, sikap angkuh berkenaan membuatkan hatinya cukup kecewa dan serik untuk berhadapan dengan Exco berkenaan pada masa akan datang.
“Saya tidak menyangka Exco tersebut yang juga seorang pakar motivasi boleh bersikap sedemikian rupa,” katanya.
KLCI TUMBLES TO ITS LOWEST IN 3 YEARS TO 959.62
by Chong Jin Hun
fd@bizedge.com
KUALA LUMPUR: Malaysian stocks were further sold-down till lunchbreak today, pushing the key stockmarket gauge down below the 1,000-point mark for the first time in about three years. The local bourse fell in tandem with most Asian bourses in anticipation of more bad news from Wall Street's financial sector woes.
At 12.30pm, the 100-company Kuala Lumpur Composite Index (KLCI) tumbled 37.53 points or 3.74% to 965.46, an almost three-year low. The last time the KLCI hovered around this level was on Sept 20, 2006, when the equity benchmark hit 959.62 points.
At midday today, the KLCI was pulled down, mainly, by losses in banking and plantation shares. These include Bumiputra-Commerce Holdings Bhd which dipped 55 sen to RM6.85, and Malayan Banking Bhd (Maybank) whose shares dropped 30 sen to RM6.60. Public Bank Bhd shed 35 sen to RM9.45.
Plantation stocks including IOI Corp Bhd was down 18 sen to RM3.78 while Kuala Lumpur Kepong Bhd lost 85 sen to RM8.65. Market breadth was negative across Bursa Malaysia as gainers significantly outnumbered decliners.
A total of 631 counters were down at midday versus 32 gainers. Some 241.83 million shares valued at 527.04 million changed hands.
Analysts said news on the US government taking up a 79.9% stake in ailing insurer American International Group after lending up to US$85 billion (RM294.95 billion) to the firm failed to bolster sentiments as the market remained skeptical and believed that there would be more bad in the near-term.
"Broader political risks remain for Malaysia's equity market over the next 6 months. Until an overwhelmingly strong political consensus emerges, there may be no equilibrium to the current political situation, and a political changeover is far from being an economic panacea," HLG Securities wrote in a note today.
Nineteen out of 20 Asian indices fell. The biggest decliner was Hong Kong's Hang Seng which dropped 1301.05 points, or 7.38%, to 16,336.14 points, followed by the Shenzen Composite which shed 33.02 points, or 5.9%, to 526.93 points. Nearer to home, Singapore's Straits Times was down 107.39 points, or 4.44%, to 2.311.9 points.
The ringgit against fell against most major currencies at midday. The ringgit weakened to RM3.461 against the US dollar, RM4.9688 against the Euro, RM3.3132 against the yen, RM0.1012 against the Thai Baht, and RM0.3675 against the Indonesian rupiah. The ringgit, however, strengthened to RM2.4146 against the Singapore dollar.
US stock indices fell a night earlier on concerns over Wall Street's financial woes. This follows investment bank Lehman Brothers' bankruptcy filing, the largest in the nation's corporate history, besides the government's move to prevent the collapse of AIG.
The Dow Jones Industrial Average dipped 449.36 points, or 4.06%, to 10,609.66 points, Nasdaq shed 109.05 points, or 4.94%, to 2,098.85 points while the S&P 500 was down 57.21 or 4.71% to 1,156.39 points. Read More “KLCI TUMBLES TO ITS LOWEST IN 3 YEARS TO 959.62” »»
Aktiviti ADUN Selat Klang pada 18/09/08: Menghadhiri Majlis Penyerahan Borang Ahli Baru Bersama Hj Mohamad Sabu
Kelihatan Tn Hj Mohamad Sabu sedang berucap sebelum majlis Iftar. Duduk dari kiri ialah Sdr Jamuliddin Elias, ahli Majlis MPK, Tn Hj Kamaluddin selaku Timb YDP PAS Kapar dan Dr Halimah
NADA SUARA KETIKA DALAM MASJID: BAGAIMANA DI LUAR MASJID
Saudara Ibnuhasaan Al Amin telah bersusah payah menyusun sebahagian dari adab di dalam masjid dari aspek menjaga nada suara ketika berzikir atau membaca Al Quran. TAJUK ini berbangkit ekoran dari aduan penduduk Bandar Kinrara sek5 Puchong perihal kuliah Maghrib dan Subuh yang menganggu keselesaan mereka untuk berehat dek kerana kuliah tersebut diperdengarkan melalui alat pembesar suara (PA system).
Maka SS Mufti Perlis ( dalam kes 3 di tahan di bawah ISA) dan saudara Ibnuhasan (nama pena) telah memberi respons.
Post asal di SINI [.] , SINI [..] , SINI [...]
Jikalau ketika beribadat dalam masjid tidak boleh meninggikan atau mengeraskan suara dengan apa cara sekalipun yang boleh menganggu orang lain, inikan pula wujud gangguan terhadap orang di luar masjid.
GANGGUAN DALAM MASJID SUSUNAN IBNUHASAN
Alhamdulillah, saya telah sempat tulis details mengenai komen-komen ulama mengenai gangguan dari / di masjid. Berikut ialah keterangannya :
(1) Komen dari Pengarang Al-Ibda' Syaikh Ali Mahfuz.
“Di antara perkara-perkara bid’ah ialah membaca surah al-Kahfi pada hari Jumaat dengan suara keras sedangkan orang lain yang sedang berada di dalam masjid ada yang sedang rukuk, ada yang sedang sujud, ada yang sedang berzikir, ada yang sedang bertilawah dan ada yang sedang bertafakur. Hal ini tidak dibenarkan kerana :
(a) Mengganggu orang-orang yang sedang beribadat. Mengganggu orang-orang yang sedang beribadat haram hukumnya dengan ijma’.
(b) Mengangkat suara di dalam masjid tanpa hajat yang dikehendaki syarak dilarang. Diriwayatkan oleh Imam Malik dalam kitab al-Muwattha’ bahawa Nabi pada satu hari masuk ke dalam masjid sedang sahabat lagi bersolat dengan mengeraskan bacaan, maka Nabi menegur mereka terhadap tindakan mereka yang demikian.
Dan diriwayatkan oleh Ibnul-Hajj dalam al-Madkhal,
Bahawasanya Nabi pernah berkata kepada Ali : ‘Hai Ali janganlah engkau mengeraskan suara bacaan sedang orang lain masih bersolat kerana yang demikian mengganggu orang-orang yang sedang bersolat.”
(Saya belum tahu darjat hadis ini, wallahua’lam, walaubagaimana pun hadis ini semakna dengan hadis lain yang sah.
Ibnu-‘Imad asy-Syafi’i berkata :
“Diharamkan bacaan dengan mengeraskan suara yang dapat mengganggu orang-orang yang sedang bersolat.”
(c) Perbuatan yang demikian menyalahi apa yang berlaku di masa Nabi dan para sahabat.
(Amalan Bid’ah Pada Bulan Muharram, Rejab, Sya’ban & Ramadhan, Dr. Abdul Ghani Azmi Bin Hj Idris)
(2) Komen dari pengarang Al-Iqna'
Bahawsanya mengumandangkan tasbih, nasyid dan doa dengan suara keras di menara-menara masjid sebelum fajar tidaklah disunatkan sama sekali. Tidak ada seorang ulamak pun yang menyukai demikian. Perbuatan itu termasuk bid’ah yang dibenci kerana yang demikian itu tidak dilakukan di masa Nabi s.a.w. dan tidak pula di masa sahabat-sahabatnya. Oleh sebab itu janganlah kita lakukan dan janganlah memberi upah (gaji) kepada orang yang melakukannya kerana yang demikian beerti menolong bid’ah.
(Pedoman Solat, ms 318, Prof. T.M. Hasbi Ash-Shiddieqy)
(Amalan Bid’ah Pada Bulan Muharram, Rejab, Sya’ban & Ramadhan, Dr. Abdul Ghani Azmi Bin Hj Idris)
(3) Komen dari Imam Ibnul-Jauzi dalam Talbis Iblis
Di antara pekerjaan-pekerjaan munkar ialah seseorang bangun di malam hari di menara-menara masjid lalu membaca zikir atau sesuatu surah al-Quran dengan suara yang keras lalu mengganggu manusia yang sedang tidur dan mengganggu bacaan orang-orang yang sedang bersolat tahajjud.
(Amalan Bid’ah Pada Bulan Muharram, Rejab, Sya’ban & Ramadhan, Dr. Abdul Ghani Azmi Bin Hj Idris)
(4) Komen dari Imam Asy-Syafi'i' mengenai zikir jahar selepas solat dalam Al-Umm
Pendapatku untuk imam dan makmum hendaklah mereka berzikir setelah selesai solat. Hendaklah mereka mengisrarkan (memperlahankan) zikir kecuali jika imam mahu dipelajari daripadanya, maka ketika itu dijaharkan zikir. Sehinggalah apabila didapati telah dipelajari daripadanya, maka sesudah itu hendaklah ia israrkan.
(5) Komen dari Syaikh Zainuddin Al-Malibari Asy-Syafi'I dalam Fathul-Mu’in
Dan ada sebahagian ulama yang telah mengungkapkan pendapatnya atas terlarangnya mengeraskan suara bacaan al-Quran secara mutlak. Kerana masjid itu pada dasarnya diwakafkan untuk orang-orang yang solat, bukan untuk para juru dakwah dan para qari.
(Al-Hujajul Bayyinah, ms 358 & 359; K.H. Drs. Ahmad Dimiathi Badruzzaman)
(6) Komen dari Imam As-Saiyid Sabiq, dalam Fiqhus-Sunnah Jilid 1 Bab Mengeraskan
Suara Dalam masjid
Mengeraskan suara sampai menyebabkan terganggu orang-orang yang sedang solat (di masjid) hukumnya haram, walaupun yang dibaca itu Al-Quran.
(7) Komen dari Imam Abdul Rahman Al-Jaziri dalam Al-Fiqhu ‘Alal-Mazahibil-Arba’ah Juz 1
Boleh mengajar ilmu, membaca Al-Quran, memberi ceramah dan memutus sesuatu hukum di masjid dengan menjaga tidak menimbulkan gangguan kepada orang-orang yang sedang solat, dengan kesepakatan pendapat ulama mujtahidin yang empat.
(8) Komen dari Sayid Al-Bakri Ibnu Saiyid Muhammad Syatha Ad-Dimyathi Asy-Syafi'I dalam I’anatut-Thalibin Hasyiah Fathul-Mu’in
Ucapan sebahagian ulama “secara mutlak (terlarangnya mengeraskan suara bacaan al-Quran secara mutlak di dalam masjid) artinya sama saja mengganggu kepada orang yang sedang solat atau pun tidak mengganggu, tetap terlarang.
(Al-Hujajul Bayyinah, ms 359; K.H. Drs. Ahmad Dimiathi Badruzzaman)
Berikut adalah DUA dari banyak hadis yang berkaitan ganggu / bising di masjid :
(1) Hadis yang diriwayatkan oleh Abu Dawud, An-Nasa-i, Al-Baihaqi serta Al-Hakim yang menyatakan bahawa hadis ini adalah sah menurut syarat Al-Bukhari dan Muslim :
Diriwayatkan dari Abu Said Al-Khudri bahawa Nabi s.a.w. beriktikaf di masjid, lalu beliau mendengar orang-orang mengeraskan suara dalam bacaan Al-Quran, maka beliau membuka tabir dan bersabda "Ingatlah bahawa kamu semua sedang bermunajat dengan Tuhannya, maka janganlah sebahagian kamu MENGGANGGU sebahagian yang lain, dan janganlah pula sebahagian kamu MENGERASKAN SUARA mengatasi yang lain dalam bacaan Al-Quran."
(Fiqhus-Sunnah Jilid 1, Bab Mengeraskan Suara Dalam Masjid; As-Saiyid Sabiq)
(2) Hadis yang diriwayatkan oleh Ahmad dengan sanad yang sah :
Dari Ibnu Umar r.a. bahawa Nabi s.a.w. pada suatu ketika pergi ke masjid. Didapatinya banyak orang bersolat dan banyak pula yang mengeraskan suara dalam membaca Al-Quran, maka sabdanya “Sesungguhnya orang yang bersolat itu sedang munajat dengan Tuhannya ‘Azza wa Jalla, maka sepatutnya ia memerhatikan dengan apa yang dimunajatkan (dipercakapkan) itu. Dan janganlah pula sebahagian kamu mengeraskan suara mengatasi yang lain dalam bacaaan Al-Quran.
(Fiqhus-Sunnah Jilid 1, Bab Mengeraskan Suara Dalam Masjid; As-Saiyid Sabiq)
INFANTS MILK FORMULA IN MALAYSIA IS SAFE
Parents need not worry as to the safety of infants' milk formula on sale in this country. This is the assurance given by the Ministry Of Health. The additive being used in the Chinese produced milk is melamine, used to make plastic and other industrial products, is rich in nitrogen, an element often used to measure protein levels, and so can be used to disguise diluted milk. The affected infants suffer from acute kidney failure as short term complication and perhaps if these affected babies are followed up in epidemilogical studies, they may be more proned to have various forms of cancers. For further information HERE
There are however a few milk based direct selling products in the market that may be overlooked by the Ministry in their sampling and tests, as for example one product claimed to be able to boost antibodies like immunoglobulin G.
*Three die in China baby powder scandal, thousands sick
*Susu tercemar tidak dijual di Malaysia
Three die in China baby powder scandal, thousands sick
Reuters/ sun2surf
China said on Wednesday a third infant had died from drinking milk contaminated with toxic melamine and 6,244 infants were sick as four officials were sacked amid a widening scandal.
The number of infants diagnosed with "acute kidney failure" had risen to 158, Health Minister Chen Zhu told a news conference carried live on state television.
Four city officials and a company boss have been sacked in the health scare which has seen thousands of parents in southern China flood into Hong Kong to buy foreign-made milk powder.
China has been beset by scandals about toxic and unsafe food and other products in recent years. In 2004, at least 13 babies died after drinking fake milk powder that had no nutritional value.
Facing alarm at the latest food safety scandal, the government sacked four officials in Shijiazhuang, capital of Hebei province in north China and base of the Sanlu Group, the dairy company first linked to the toxic milk.
The sackings included the vice mayor in charge of agriculture, Zhang Fawang, and the director of the city's food and drug watchdog, Zhang Yi, as well as chief officials for animal husbandry and quality inspection.
The chairwoman and general manager of Sanlu, Tian Wenhua, was also dismissed from what has been China's biggest seller of infant milk powder.
But with other big dairy companies found to have also used milk carrying melamine, the widespread anger over the poisonings may be far from dying down.
The results of a government-led probe announced on Tuesday showed that out of 109 dairy producers checked, 22 had been found to have produced batches of milk contaminated with the compound.
Chinese officials last week ordered a nationwide check of all baby milk powder makers after Sanlu's problems began to emerge. The offending companies include Beijing Olympics sponsor Inner Mongolia Yili Industrial Group and Hong Kong-listed Mengniu Dairy, state television news reported.
Melamine, used to make plastic and other industrial products, is rich in nitrogen, an element often used to measure protein levels, and so can be used to disguise diluted milk.
China is the world's second biggest market for baby milk powder, and Sanlu has been the top-selling company in the sector for 15 years, with 18.3% of sales in 2007. It is 43% owned by New Zealand dairy giant Fonterra.
Sanlu last week halted production and announced a big product recall. But local Chinese officials acted only after the New Zealand government contacted Beijing, New Zealand Prime Minister Helen Clark said on Monday.
China's quality watchdog said two milk producers, Guangdong Yashili Group and Qingdao Suncare Co Ltd, had exported milk formula to Yemen, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Gabon and Burundi and said both companies were recalling their exports.
The watchdog head, Li Changjiang, did not specify if the powder was tainted.
Susu tercemar tidak dijual di Malaysia
Oleh TARMIZI ABDUL RAHIM
utusan on line
KOTA BHARU 17 Sept. - Kementerian Kesihatan hari ini menjelaskan susu tepung keluaran China yang tercemar kerana mengandungi bahan kimia tidak pernah dibawa masuk atau diimport ke negara ini.
Menterinya, Datuk Liow Tiong Lai berkata, ibu bapa di negara ini tidak perlu bimbang kerana pihaknya menjalankan pemantauan berterusan bagi memastikan hanya susu tepung yang berkualiti dijual di negara ini.
"Saya sudah periksa dengan pelbagai agensi berkaitan dan mendapati susu tepung dari China yang didakwa tercemar itu memang tidak dijual di sini, hanya susu berkualiti tinggi dari New Zealand, Australia dan beberapa negara Eropah dibenarkan masuk," katanya.
Beliau berkata demikian kepada pemberita selepas mengadakan pertemuan dengan perwakilan MCA negeri di sini hari ini.
Kelmarin di China, seorang bayi mati menjadikannya kes yang kedua apabila meminum susu formula yang tercemar dengan bahan kimia, melamin.
Kumpulan Sanlu, pengeluar susu tepung yang dimiliki 43 peratus oleh gergasi tenusu New Zealand, Fonterra telah diarahkan menarik balik pengeluaran minggu lalu selepas siasatan mendapati bahan kimia melamin terkandung dalam susu berkenaan yang menjadi punca penyakit batu karang di kalangan bayi terbabit.
Petani atau pembekal susu kepada Sanlu dipercayai menambah air dan melamin yang digunakan dalam plastik, baja dan produk pencuci untuk menjadikan protein susu berada pada paras tinggi.
ROSNAH DIKEKALKAN CANSELOR UNISEL
MALTREATMENT OF TORN IN THE FLESH
Datuk Zainal Aznam Yusof is a member of the Economic Council and distinguished fellow of ISIS Malaysia. Brief biodata:
From 1990 – 1994, he was the Adviser of Economics at Bank Negara Malaysia. He
holds a BSc (Economics) from Queen’s University, Belfast, Northern Ireland, an M.A. (Development Economics) from the University of Leicester and a D.Phil. (Economics)
from the University of Oxford, United Kingdom.
He has written on the state of imbalance between federal and state governments existing to date despite efforts by the federal government to portray otherwise during every by-elections and general elections.
Opinion: Federal-state relations plagued by imbalances
New Straits Times
by Zainal Aznam Yusof
The alleged shakiness and loyalty of Sabah and Sarawak to the Barisan Nasional cause should be put in perspective. The actions of the two states can be the harbinger of what is in store for Malaysian politics, perceives ZAINAL AZNAM YUSOF
ONE of the post-March general election developments has been the extra attention given to Sabah and Sarawak. But this is not a new phenomenon as the two states had also garnered attention in the past.
For a start, the allocation of appointments and offices to the successful candidates had not been to the liking of the two states, more so for Sabah, as they felt they had been shortchanged compared to the number of seats they had won for Barisan Nasional. There was the initiative by the Sabah Progressive Party (SAPP) to move a vote of no confidence against the leadership of Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and the BN in Parliament, and the party's threats to leave the coalition.
The most serious was the constant harping by Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, head of the Pakatan Rakyat, that he expected to see representatives from Sabah and Sarawak cross over to the opposition by yesterday to enable him to be prime minister and head of a new government, attesting to the power of the two states to unseat the BN.
As this had highlighted the alleged shakiness and loyalty of the two states to the BN cause, there were urgings for a declaration of loyalty by the politicians in the two states.
These developments could be the harbinger of what is in store for Malaysian politics and that the two states could exert decisive swings in future power struggles on the political front.
The experiences with Sabah and Sarawak should be put in perspective. Federal-state relations are always plagued with troubles in a federal system of government and these can be worsened when the path towards the formation of a federation is not smooth.
Secessionist tendencies are the most extreme manifestation of a weak foundation for a federation, and these had existed in the past.
There were four attempts at secession between 1948 and 1957. Penang in 1948 was against the formation of a Federation of Malaya and mooted the idea of secession because the island argued that it was not consulted over the formation of the federation. Led by the Penang Chamber of Commerce and supported by the Straits or "Queen's" Chinese, a representation was made to London but the secretary of state rejected the petition for secession.
Penang also made another attempt at secession between 1953 and 1957 but it was disorganised and short-lived.
Johor was not very attracted to the idea of a federation but the ruler in the end signed the 1957 Federation of Malaya Agreement.
Kelantan was also against the Federation of Malaya initially as it was against the loss of Malay rights to the Chinese. On Sept 10, six days before Malaysia was to be declared, Kelantan initiated legal action against the federal government to declare the Malaysia Agreement and the Malaysia Act null and void and non-binding on the state.
The court ruled in favour of the federal government as its action had not violated the Constitution.
Following the expulsion of Singapore from Malaysia in 1965, Sabah and Sarawak were upset that they were not consulted and that the episode displayed the high-handedness of the federal government. Sarawak wanted a referendum to assess whether the people still wanted to remain with Malaysia.
In Sabah, UPKO (United Pasokmomogun Kadazandusun Murut Organisation) called for "a re-examination of arrangements made in respect of Sabah's entry into Malaysia". In 1975, Usno (United Sabah National Organisation) in Sabah, led by Tun Mustapha Harun, flirted with secession when federal-state relations deteriorated.
At an Usno meeting in April that year, Mustapha had explored the option of secession and that hastened his ousting and downfall.
After secessions, or threats of secession, a state of emergency would be the next disturbing outcome following a crisis. In Sarawak and Kelantan the proclamations of emergency were related to the refusal of the head of government to resign.
In 1966 a state of emergency was declared in Sarawak arising from the Kalong Ningkan case, in which the chief minister challenged the Proclamation of Emergency but was dismissed by the court.
In 1977, a state of emergency was also declared in Kelantan following the federal government's dispute with Pas over the refusal of the federal government-backed menteri besar to resign.
Economic imbalances between Sabah, Sarawak and peninsular Malaysia are still sizable and this sense of relative deprivation, neglect and dominance by peninsular Malaysia fuels political behaviour in east Malaysia.
Sabah seems to have lagged and worsened relatively after 34 years: in 1970 the ratio of its per capita GDP to the Malaysia average was 1.19, but this fell to 0.59 in 2004, while Sarawak held on to its pace of growth: the comparative statistics were 0.89 and 0.88.
The incidence of poverty in Sabah in 2004 was 23 per cent, which was more than four times the national figure (5.7 per cent) and the highest in Malaysia, compared with 7.5 per cent in Sarawak.
Poverty among the Orang Sungei, Rungus, Bisaya, and Suluk communities in Sabah and among the Bidayuh, Kenyah, Kayan, Kedayan, Penan and Lun Bawang in Sarawak were much higher. With such a high level of poverty, inequality in income for a state that is relatively rich in resources probably is much higher in Sabah.
For Sabah, the developmental slippage must be a cause for concern and a continuation along the same developmental path will surely fuel further discontent.
The state could become a hotspot for volatile politics and conflicts. The greater ethnic diversity, presence of large immigrant communities and physical isolation are combustible conditions and will call for greater resources, efforts and the right leadership.
Failures in these areas will lead to regression, rising insecurity and instability, which will then have wider repercussions. Read More “MALTREATMENT OF TORN IN THE FLESH” »»
UCAPAN PM TENTANG PERTUKARAN PORTFOLIO
Tonton VIDEO Ucapan YAB PM tentang pertukaran portfolio dengan Najib di SINI {..}
Najib is new Finance Minister
Maria J.Dass
sun2surf
PUTRAJAYA (Sept 17, 2008): Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has handed over the powerful portfolio of finance minister to his deputy Datuk Seri Najib Abdul Razak as part of the country's power transition plan which is to be completed by mid-2010.
Abdullah, who also announced he would be taking over the defence portfolio held by Najib in a swap of duties, however indicated he may hand over the reigns of power to his annointed successor earlier than the agreed deadline.
Speaking to reporters after the weekly cabinet meeting at his office today, Abdullah said he had informed the cabinet of the role swap, and that over time, he would be handing over "a few of my roles and duties as prime minister to Najib".
The role swap comes at a time when the country is facing tough challenges, politically and economically, against the backdrop of a gloomy world economic climate.
Among Najib’s first role as finance minister will be to meet with fund managers and investors in New York where he is scheduled to speak at the United Nations General Assembly on Sept 25, he said.
"This will be an opportune time for him to meet with large US companies based in Malaysia and also meet and speak with fund managers and investors on the economy and the country," he added.
Abdullah said he will concentrate on other duties pertaining to social and religious issues, racial unity, judicial reforms and the reforms of other agencies.
"I will slowly rescind my duties to Najib and see how well he adapts to his many new duties that he will be taking on from time to time," he said.
"The timing (of exit) is flexible. I will decide on when I want to go and tell Najib…I will not be staying on beyond 2010," he said, adding that it was also possible that he may give up the prime minister’s position earlier.
This matter will also be among those discussed at the Umno Supreme Council meeting to be held today (Thursday), he said.
Abdullah also announced that the deputy chairman’s post in Khazanah Nasional will be handed over to Najib, as this post comes with being finance minister.
Najib, who was with Abdullah at the press conference, said the move by Abdullah demonstrated his (Abdullah’s) sincerity and confidence in him.
"The prime minister and I have agreed to that and we hope that the party and the rakyat will accept this in the interest of the party and country’s stability," he said.
Asked what his plans are to address the current tumultuous economic situation and restore investor confidence, Najib said: "I will have to answer that when I move to the ministry, though we have discussed the current challenges at hand. Give me time to respond."
Both leaders said efforts are geared towards keeping and attracting investors via trade missions and meetings with investors and fund managers.
Aktiviti Exco Modal Insan pada 17/09/08: Sesi Post Mortem Program SPIES
BURSA KL ON 17 SEPTEMBER 2008
17-09-2008: KLCI touches year-low of 1,008.13pts
by Doreen Leong
THE EDGE
KUALA LUMPUR: The Kuala Lumpur Composite Index (KLCI) closed 1.87% or 19.26 points lower at 1,012.37 yesterday, dragged by selected blue-chip and plantation stocks, in line with the fall in regional markets following the Wall Street shakeup on Monday.
The KLCI had sagged to a year-low of 1,008.13 points in early trade before recouping some of the losses in the afternoon session.
An SJ Securites chartist expected the local benchmark index to trade between 1,026 and 1,054 points this week.
Regionally, Singapore’s Straits Times Index fell 1.01% to 2,461.43 points while Hong Kong’s Hang Seng Index dropped 5.44% to 18,300 points and Japan’s Nikkei 225 declined 4.95% to 11,609.72 points.
Trade on Bursa remained thin with only 389.66 million shares worth RM768.44 million done.
Plantation index fell 160.56 points to 4,753.35. November crude palm oil futures declined RM137 to RM2,103 per tonne.
Leading the decliners, Kuala Lumpur Kepong Bhd fell 40 sen to RM9.90, IOI Corp Bhd lost 20 sen to RM4.04, and Kulim Malaysia Bhd warrants shed 28 sen to RM3.12.
Analysts have lowered their projections on CPO price outlook for the next three years on the back of anticipated higher production and lower projected demand growth for soybeans in major consuming countries.
However, the extent of the price cut was limited by crude oil price assumptions of US$113 (RM392.11) per barrel over the next two years.
The turmoil on Wall Street sent oil prices sharply below US$100 per barrel for the first time since March. The Nymex crude oil was trading at a year-low of US$91.74, but recovered slightly to US$92.81 at the market close yesterday, down US$2.90 from Monday’s close.
Despite the selldown on the local bourse, analysts believed some stocks presented good trading opportunities as they are supported by strong fundamentals with attractive valuations.
Among their top picks are Malayan Banking Bhd (Maybank), BCHB, Tenaga Nasional Bhd and Genting Bhd.
Banking group Maybank was among the top loser yesterday, shedding 45 sen to RM7.40 on news that the bank would most likely abandon its proposed RM8.6 billion acquisition of PT Bank Internasional Indonesia after the Indonesian regulator rejected its appeal to be exempted from a new regulation there. Meanwhile, Bumiputra-Commerce Holdings Bhd declined 30 sen to RM7.85.
KNM Group Bhd continued to be actively traded with 27.78 million shares changing hands. The oil and gas counter closed at RM1.15 yesterday. Tenaga lost 40 sen to RM6.50 with 16.5 million shares done.
Among the top gainers were DiGi.com Bhd and office equipment and office furniture maker AHB Holdings Bhd. DiGi gained 30 sen to RM23.80 while AHB added 23 sen to 30 sen on razor-thin volume.
The ringgit rebounded from near the lowest in a year after Lehman Brothers filed for the biggest bankruptcy in history. The local currency gained against the US dollar, trading at 3.4560 at market close yesterday, on speculation that investors were expected to shun the greenback amid heightened speculation that the Federal Reserve will cut interest rates yesterday.
Meanwhile, Bank of China cut interest rates yesterday to 7.2% from 7.47%, its first cut in six years, to help sustain economic growth. The yuan climbed 0.18% to 6.8324 against the US dollar yesterday afternoon.
Bank of China also said it will cut the reserve requirement ratio for smaller financial institutions from Sept 25.
However, it left the deposit rate unchanged, raising concerns that the spread between the deposit rate and lending interest rate may erode banks’ profit margins.
ZAID IBRAHIM ADVICE TO UMNO/BN & HIS UPS AND DOWNS
Zaid stint as a Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department was for six months. Read his ups and downs as compiled by NST reporter. He claimed to have suffered accusations of not standing up for Malays and Muslims and other criticisms in Parliament. He constantly met brick wall from Cabinet members and UMNO to his many suggestions for judicial reforms. He had implied that UMNO is a racist party.
* Ups and downs of Zaid's tenure as de facto law minister
* Zaid blames Cabinet, Umno members for opposing judiciary reforms
The Star
by Sim Leoi Leoi and Shaila Koshy
PUTRAJAYA: Datuk Zaid Ibrahim will not change his mind about quitting as Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department, saying he has failed to reform the legal system.
He said he constantly met “a brick wall” from Cabinet members and Umno to many of his suggestions for reform.
The former de facto Law Minister, who remains a Senator, added he did not want problems arising from his proposals to plague Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi at a time when the latter was grappling with party conflicts and other challenges.
Zaid thanked Abdullah for suggesting he go on leave but said: “I am not tired. I’m just disappointed.”
He said he prayed Abdullah would remain Umno president and Prime Minister and accomplish what he had set out to do.
“I apologise to all Malaysians because of my weaknesses, I have failed,” he said in a 40-minute press conference at his office here yesterday.
“It has not been a mistake to take up the offer,” he stressed.
Asked why he was giving up when he had bluntly told journalists just in May that they should go on fighting for media freedom despite the obstacles over the past 20 years, Zaid said: “Maybe I’m not as courageous as you are. I agree change does take time but I was looking for some positive development to give me assurance.”
He maintained Abdullah had been supportive “within his own constraints.”
Asked whether Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim - if he formed a new Government - would be able to bring reform to the judiciary, Zaid replied: “He hasn’t formed the Government. It doesn’t matter whether the Prime Minister is Abdullah, Datuk Seri Najib (Tun Razak), Tengku Razaleigh (Ham-zah), (Tan Sri) Muyhiddin (Yassin) or Anwar. I don’t care; I just want to see transformation.”
Describing himself as a “man of deep responsibility”, Zaid lamented that in the six months he had been Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department, he had suffered accusations of not standing up for Malays and Muslims and other criticisms in Parliament.
Naming Tourism Minister Datuk Seri Azalina Othman as one of his critics, Zaid rebutted :
“You can still be a champion for your race and think of the country.”
He said he tried but had failed to convince those in power to effect changes related to equality as prescribed in the Federal Constitution, so the Government could move forward.
Zaid had tendered his resignation to Abdullah on Monday.
In his letter, he had listed his frustrations in trying to achieve the reforms he had been tasked with doing; the final being the recent arrest of three people under the Internal Security Act.
Asked whether the public should give up on Abdullah’s promise for judicial reform since he - the person specifically tasked with achieving it - had resigned, he replied: “I don’t think everything should be pegged to me. I am not a hero. Someone else might be more acceptable.”
Asked whether he would leave Umno for opposition party PKR, Zaid admitted he had not been “treated well” by Umno - he was even suspended once on charges of money politics.
He said he had not decided on joining “PKR or anybody else,” adding he had not been courted.
Asked whether he had advice for the Government, Zaid said it must start trusting its own people.
“If not, you will always worry which policy benefits which group. You can have a race-based party but you don’t have to be racist bigots,” he said on his last day in office.
Ups and downs of Zaid's tenure as de facto law minister
New Straits Times
March 17: Zaid, sworn in as senator and named as minister in the prime minister's department, promised that "a lot of things" could be expected from him because "the people want to see change". He promised that the rule of law, the independence of the judiciary, the separation of powers and the supremacy of the law, especially in terms of the constitution, would be upheld.
March 22: Zaid announced his immediate priority as de facto law minister was to propose to the government that it apologise to former Supreme Court Lord President Tun Salleh Abas and the judges who were sacked during the 1988 judicial crisis. Zaid said the prime minister told him to do what was right for the country. "Friends cautioned me to go slow and steady. I've never gone slow, but I'll be steady".
March 26: Zaid recommended that archaic laws that could potentially cause a conflict between the government and Malay rulers be replaced. When asked whether Umno could "challenge" the decision of the Terengganu Regency Advisory Council to appoint Datuk Ahmad Said as Terengganu menteri besar, he said some of the state constitutions, dating back to the 1910s, were obsolete and needed to be replaced.
May 24: Zaid lashed out at Jerlun MP Datuk Mukhriz Mahathir and Pasir Salak MP Datuk Tajuddin Abdul Rahman for belittling the prime minister and accusing him (Zaid) of being a yes-man. "If they do not support (the prime minister and government policies), they should not be BN MPs".
June 1: Zaid urged the media to get its act together to seek reforms and improve press freedom. He suggested that journalists propose solutions to replace existing media laws, such as the Printing Presses and Publications Act, Official Secrets Act, Internal Security Act, Sedition Act and the Communications and Multimedia Act.
June 6: Ex gratia payments were given to judges who were sacked in the 1988 judicial crisis. Zaid personally met the judges or their families to give them the payment.
June 20: Zaid announced that he was seeking to restore the original wording of Article 121(1) of the Federal Constitution.
He said he suggested this to the cabinet but was unsure when it would happen.
Sept 9: Zaid condemned the police for filing reports against magistrates. He said the reports, lodged by police officers who were sore that their requests for extension of remands were rejected, were "extraordinary events".
Sept 12: Zaid called on Umno vice-president Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin to resign from the cabinet if he had no confidence in the prime minister. "If he refuses to quit, he should be sacked. You cannot have a minister who is not happy with the leadership.
"This does not apply to Muhyiddin alone but anyone, including me. If I am not happy, then I should resign or the prime minister sacks me. That is how it works."
Sept 14: Zaid condemned the detention of three people, including a journalist, under the Internal Security Act. He said the government was acting against its own wish to prove to the people that it wanted change. Zaid said he was ready to resign.
"I joined the government because I believed there would be transformation. The government must change, but reform cannot take place if it continues with old thinking and philosophies.
"My views are obviously against the majority in the cabinet. I have been in trouble before and I don't want to make life difficult for Pak Lah.
"If he feels that I am a problem to the party and the government, and he wants me to leave, I am prepared to do so.
"I don't want to be disloyal and I am thankful to him for giving me a chance to serve in the government. I want to give my best to Pak Lah and this is the best advice I could give him."
Sept 15: Zaid tendered his resignation as the minister in the prime minister's department. The prime minister asked him to take two weeks' leave and reconsider.
Sept 16: Zaid stood firm and announced his resignation.
HADDAD ALWI & NAZRI / RAIHAN
IKTIRAF: HADDAD ALWI
IKTIRAF : RAIHAN
KECERDASAN SPIRITUAL DALAM KEHIDUPAN
PART 1
PART 2
PART 3
PART 4
THE POLITICS OF POLITICAL ASSASINATION: the experience of Dr Syed Hussein Ali
Aliran Monthly interviews Dr Syed Husin Ali, president of defunct Parti Rakyat Malaysia, now merged with Parti Keadilan (ADIL) to form PKR or Parti Keadilan Rakyat.
Aliran Monthly: May we start with that interesting account in your book, Two Faces, of the attempt to get you to confess and to implicate Dr Mahathir and Musa Hitam? What was going on? Wasn’t Dr Mahathir then the newly appointed Deputy Prime Minister and Musa Hitam the Minister for Education.
Dr Syed Husin Ali: Yes. Just to recollect, in January 1976, Tun Razak passed away and Tun Hussein succeeded him as PM. For a while there was rivalry for the position of DPM. Apparently Hussein preferred Tan Seri Ghazali Shafie, the Home Minister, who did not hold a senior position in UMNO. But the three UMNO Vice-presidents then - Ghafar Baba, Tengku Razaleigh and Mahathir Mohamad opposed his move. Faced with the possibility of an open rebellion within UMNO if these V-Ps were sidelined, Hussein finally decided to choose Mahathir, who was the most junior of the three, as his number two. This was a great blow to Ghazali.
We must remember that at that time the US was nearing defeat in Vietnam. Singapore government leaders, known to be pro-US and strongly anti-communist, were anxious to see the emergence of a friendly leader in the Malaysian government. Hussein was considered to be a weak leader. At that time, Mahathir represented the more progressive wing within UMNO, and he was thought to be closely associated with Razak, who had earlier opened diplomatic relations with China, following his famous handshake with Mao Tse Tung. In Singapore, there were accusations that Razak was then surrounded by so-called "pro-communist" elements, which were alleged to continue to be around his successor.
Ghazali, who was a well-known anti-communist figure within the conservative wing of UMNO was a favourite candidate of the Singapore leaders. I think it was in the middle of 1976 that the Singapore government arrested under the ISA two Malay journalists, Hussein Jahidin and Azmi Mahmud. They implicated in their confession a number of people in Kuala Lumpur, including Samad Ismail, a senior journalist with the Straits Times, in what was branded as a "pro-communist conspiracy" against the Singapore government.
There were also others detained in Singapore at the same time, one of them accused of being a "Euro-communist". This person implicated the names of many politicians, who were active inside and outside UMNO. Not long after the Singapore arrests, the Malaysian government arrested a number of Malaysian journalists and politicians. They included Samad Ismail (recently passed away) , Abdullah Ahmad and Abdullah Majid (both Deputy Ministers in the PM’s Department appointed by Tun Razak), Kassim Ahmad, President of PSRM and Chan Heng Kai and Tan Kok Kit from the DAP. They were all accused of being involved in pro-communist activities.
In July 1976, not long after these people were arrested and I had already been detained for about 18 months, I was taken to a secret holding centre and held in solitary confinement for more than six months. During the early part of that period, I was continuously interrogated and physically and mentally tortured. On one occasion, but just for a short while, I was questioned on Mahathir. One of the interrogators asked me to confess that I was a kind of intermediary between Mahathir and the communist underground. I was assured of an early release if I co-operated. But I refused to be party to any false confession.
We must of course remember that, prior to this, a number of conservative UMNO leaders, especially Jaafar Albar, claimed that Mahathir, when he was in the limbo after being sacked by premier Tunku Abdul Rahman, made a speech in Australia, where he was supposed to have suggested that Malaysia could turn socialist by the end of the twentieth century. By implication he was a "socialist" or "pro-socialist". During detention, in the secret holding centre I kept on being reminded by my SB interrogators that "socialist" and "communist" were synonymous.
AM: So, you are saying, suggesting, that there was a conspiracy to unseat them, and you were to be the instrument via a false confession?
SH: I have reason to believe that at that time there could possibly have been a conspiracy, or at least a plan, to unseat Mahathir as DPM. If I had indulged in a false confession, and it was corroborated by the confession by another detainee at that time, then Mahathir could have well landed in detention too.
AM: Were you shocked?
SH: Not really. Those days it was common practice for the police to assassinate politically dissenters by accusing them to be "communist" or "socialist". It is quite different these days, after the cold war. Now they can be branded as "sodomists" instead. The accusations are different, but the methods of political assassination have not changed very much. You chose the enemies you want to destroy.
AM: Do you have any basis for believing it to have been a conspiracy?
SH: Let me remind you that not long after Mahathir succeeded Hussein as PM, his political secretary, Siddiq Ghouse, was accused of being a KGB agent and was arrested under the ISA. It so happened, if you remember, not long before that, a secretary of the German Chancellor Willy Brandt was arrested on the same allegation. Consequently, Brandt decided to resign his post. But of course Mahathir was not Brandt. Right until today, he will not give up his position for anything. The point I am trying to make is that someone had not given up trying to unseat Mahathir.
AM: As the officers doing the questioning were presumably Special Branch, do you think they were in on it, or were they just following orders? If the latter, would it be dangerous—that is, to expose yourself to possible slander or libel suits—for you to suggest whose orders?
SH: Well, well, well. I cannot imagine the SB officer interrogating me was entirely his own agent. I doubt he could have acted independently.
AM: Who was then the head of the Special Branch?
SH: I think it was one Tan Seri Amin. I cannot recall his full name.
AM: And who was the IGP at the time?
SH: None other than Haniff Omar, now Tun and many things else.
AM: We hope you don’t mind, but can we follow up a little more on this matter? Your account evidently ties in with Samad Ismail’s declaration in September that he was made to confess to trumped-up charges. We believe that was the first time that Samad has publicly declared thus. What about the other two who were detained at the same time, Abdullah Majid and Abdullah Ahmad?
SH: Actually, I have not seen Samad’s declaration that you talk about. As I wrote in Two Faces, after his release, I told Samad of the attempt to persuade me to make a false confession to implicate Mahathir. Samad said there was a similar attempt on himself. If I am not mistaken, Abdullah Ahmad has made a statement about his wrongful detention. He had followed this up with one or two articles about his detention in The Sun. Abdullah Majid has been bed-ridden for a number of years and I cannot recollect any statement by him after his release. Kassim has written a "memoir" on his detention, called The Second University.
AM: Have you all ever discussed this period with each other?SH: Other than my short discussion with Samad, no.
AM: And have you ever discussed it with Dr Mahathir or Musa?
SH: No.
AM: In the light of events over the past year and more, on which you have been very vocal, do you ever have any regrets that you did not confess as desired of you? After all, you might have ‘saved’ the country from Dr Mahathir, for he would surely have been knocked out then.
SH: No regrets at all. An evil person should be properly tried in an open court and duly punished if found guilty. I think it is wrong to make false allegation on anyone, that could lead to his detention under the ISA. After all I have always been against this draconian act and its abuse. Even if I had the opportunity to save the country from Mahathir then, there was no guarantee that he would be replaced by someone better.
AM: You have been supportive of Anwar since his dismissal, and your party has now joined a coalition with Parti Keadilan Nasional, PAS and the DAP. Yet you were rather critical of him while he was in office, and kept a fair distance from him. Why this change of heart?
SH: Let me be candid in saying that although Anwar was my friend and for some time my friend and detention mate, I do not support him now merely on that basis. Much more than just supporting Anwar, I am against the way in which he was unjustly treated and humiliated. Why was he beaten up? Why was he held under the ISA?
Why has he not been allowed bail? Why do the courts and police appear to be so one-sided against him? So, the issues have gone beyond Anwar. We support him because, to a certain extent, he has become a symbol or rallying point in the struggle for justice and democracy. For the same reason, we support Lim Guan Eng and hundreds of Malaysians who in various ways have been victims of all kinds of injustices.
It must also be emphasised that PRM has agreed to co-operate with keADILan, PAS and the DAP not merely on the basis of seeking freedom for Anwar or Guan Eng. We want economic, political and social changes, which can benefit the people. We are against concentration of power and wealth in the hands of a corrupt few; we want to reduce economic and social inequity; we want cheaper and, if necessary and possible, free housing, education and medical services; we want better management and regular supply of water and electricity; we reject the present form of privatisation, which is burdensome to the people; we reject tolls and so on; and we want change that will benefit the people at large. In other words there are many things in common shared by the opposition parties.
AM: But surely you, with all your connections, must have heard all those stories about Anwar’s boys, and about his use of money politics? Why then should you believe that Anwar’s reformasi call now is sincere, and not just an attempt to ride on popular discontent in order to return to power? Many people out there are saying Anwar and Mahathir are the same—in Malay, dua kali lima—and this is all a power struggle in which we ordinary citizens shouldn’t get involved. Either side wins, things are going to be the same. What is your response to that?
SH: Admittedly, Anwar gathered some cronies of his own when he was in power. But Anwar’s cronies were relatively much less powerful than Mahathir’s. Now, many of them have changed sides to Mahathir, where power is centred. Anwar and his supporters may well have practised money politics, when they were part of the establishment. Now Anwar has come out very strongly against cronyism, corruption and nepotism. He is paying very heavily for his opposition to his once political master. At the same time a lot of people have faith and much hope in him. I am willing to give him the benefit of the doubt.
My political philosophy and struggle are not linked to just an individual. More important, they are linked to policies, programmes and also ideology. Anwar is but a component although an important one in the wave for change. I hope this wave will become ever bigger and stronger, whatever the decisions or moves by individual leaders.
Change of, for and by the people must and should take place, whoever is the leader. If the people are the prime movers of this change, then whoever leaves it will certainly fall by the wayside. The fight now cannot be viewed anymore as a personal fight between Anwar and Mahathir. It is a fight for change of the society and its politico-economic systems. So, all citizens should be involved. I feel that after all that he has undergone, it is difficult for Anwar to go the Mahathir way. It is difficult to say that both of them are the same, especially now.
AM: OK. Say we accept your response and accept that the alternative coalition is sincere and serious about instituting changes to bring about greater transparency and accountability, justice and democracy. But many people have serious doubts. They have doubts about your ability to unite and stand together behind a programme. They have doubts about your ability to govern, given your total lack of experience.
SH: The only thing I can say is that we are trying hard and determined to co-operate and be more united this time round. People may be justified if they feel that we lack experience. But it does not take very long to gain experience. After all, a change in the government leadership through election does not involve radical changes in the structure of the bureaucracy, the army and the police, for example. If these remain intact, then certainly they will be of great help to the new government in power. Tell me, which is better? Inexperienced leaders who are willing to govern for the benefit of the people in a clean and accountable manner, or an experienced but docile and corrupt bunch of leaders who are interested only in preserving their own positions and interests, and bailing out their cronies in trouble?
AM: Many people are saying, "Look, the country is going through a rough period and we need a strong government, especially at this time. We are just not sure that the opposition coalition can provide that kind of leadership". Do you have an answer to that?
SH: Give us a chance. If we prove incompetent, then throw us out. Change of government can be good, because it can create healthy competition between the contending parties. The fear of being thrown out can spur a government to do well. It is bad when a government or a leader remains in power too long. It tends to make them more authoritarian and more negligent of the interests and fate of the people. They become more obsessed with building palaces for themselves rather than solving the housing problem of the poor. That is why we believe no PM should serve for more than two terms.
AM: But surely you don’t deny that there are significant differences within your coalition among the various parties. Won’t that be a weakness as compared to the Barisan Nasional, whose coalition members appear to be united? How do we know that PAS won’t try and push through their Islamic agenda or DAP its Malaysian Malaysia agenda or PRM its social democratic agenda, and so on?
SH: No, I don’t deny that. But for the short and medium terms, there are more similarities than differences among the different parties. As it is now, we are all committed to upholding the basic principles and spirit of the Federation Constitution, which have been abandoned or violated by the powers-that-be. The BN component parties represent different and sometimes opposite ethnic interests. What holds them together is power - being the government. If their position as a government is weakened and, worse still, when they lose power, everything will break asunder.
At the same time, I am sure that if the opposition parties form the government, then they will be united. Of course, in the long run, there might be competition and even conflicts owing to the differences in policies and ideologies. But certainly competition can be healthy and some conflicts can become very productive. Let us now build a political atmosphere that guarantees greater space and freedom for dissent and healthy competition to serve the people.
AM: What is the opposition coalition’s objective in this coming election? Is it going for a win or simply to deny the Barisan Nasional a two-thirds majority?
SH: With all the power that they have and the resources that they control, the BN government has become formidable. It has control over the three M’s i.e. money, media, and (government) machinery. So it will be difficult to defeat the government. Nevertheless, nothing is impossible in politics, especially when the mood of people changes. A large section of the Malays now want change. Quite a significant number of non-Malays, especially the elderly, those in business and some professionals are quite fearful of change in case it affects adversely their business and livelihood. To ensure continuity and stability, we should be talking now about the necessity of a National Unity government consisting of politicians from the alternative parties, positive elements within the present governing parties and respected individuals within society from among NGOs.
AM: As it will be unfair for us to question you on the coalition platform, we would instead like to explore with you Parti Rakyat’s stand on a number of issues. Let’s start with capital controls and government expenditure to revive the economy. We believe it would be fair to say that Parti Rakyat is not opposed to capital controls as such nor are you opposed to government expenditure to revive the economy. Why then are you so critical of the BN’s use of these measures?
SH: There are several reasons for our criticisms. First, any form of control is difficult to implement successfully in a system based almost entirely on free market.
Second, the capital control measures were introduced too late, about 14 months after the economic crisis began. Much capital had already flown. As some people say, it was like closing the cage after the birds had flown away. Capital that chose to remain or left late, some of which was good capital, was "punished".
Third, the measures were calculated mainly to benefit big corporations and corporate figures that could be identified as cronies.
Fourth, government expenditure mainly for whom? and for what purpose? Certainly we are opposed to the revival of mega projects that are not economic, not productive. We certainly would support more expenditure on economic and productive projects and for providing social facilities like housing, health and education for the people. Why is it so little is spent on human resource development, for instance?
Finally, we have not recovered economically, but are only on the way to recovery. Signs of recovery can be seen in almost all the countries affected by the Asian financial crisis since two years ago. But the recovery is much faster in some of the countries that never exercised capital controls. For instance, during the first quarter, the growth rate in Korea was over 4.5 percent and in Indonesia it was about 1.5 percent. But in Malaysia it was about -1.5 percent (negative). What is the hoo-ha about?
AM: Is that fair? After all, Danaharta and Danamodal and the Corporate Debt Restructuring Committee was set up under Anwar. Moreover, they appear to be doing quite a good job of overcoming the bad debt problem and re-financing the banking sector. Or don’t you agree?
SH: The fact the Anwar set up Danaharta, Danamodal and CDRC was a credit to him. It proved that he was not blindly following the IMF recommendations. The idea behind the setting up of these bodies was good. But, unfortunately, under the present Finance Ministers, they are increasingly used mainly for the purpose of bailing out cronies and crony companies. For instance, Renong (under Halim Saad) and Tongkah (under one of Mahathir’s sons), have benefited from the CDRC.
AM: How do you think we should proceed on the economic front?
SH: Our economy is strongly influenced by the global process. We need to be involved, but wisely, in the global economy. Malaysia needs to have measures that can prevent itself from being a victim of the powerful global capital market. Our future depends very much on our ability to compete and to penetrate into the global market.
At the same time, there must be corporate governance that ensures transparency and is free from undesirable political intervention. The evil practices of corruption, cronyism and nepotism, which have become widespread under the BN government especially during the past 15 years, have weakened our economy and threaten the future of our country and people. They must be stopped. So too, there must be an end to the use of the country’s resources on wasteful, unproductive and uneconomic projects.
Further, we need to mobilise our economic resources for good use them to provide good and affordable social services, especially housing, health and education. Our concern should be more for the welfare of the majority of people and not the interests of a few who are rich and powerful. To modify Gandhi’s words, there should be enough for everyone’s need but not everyone’s greed.
AM: Correct us if we are wrong, but you also believe the country needs social and political reforms? Why so? We are relatively stable politically, socially the country has done pretty well compared to some others. So why rock the boat?
SH: There is still room for improving our political and social systems. Over the years authoritarian rule has increasingly crystallised within our political structure; in fact more and more power is being concentrated in the hands of a small number of people, if not just in one person. We may be able to prevent this from happening probably by limiting the tenure period of a minister, especially the Prime Minister. I think two terms is more than reasonable. We must also get rid of all repressive laws that violate human rights, especially the draconian ISA and the Publication and Printing Presses Act.
The economic system that allows for concentration of wealth has resulted not only in poverty and a wide economic gap, but also in great social differences and inequities. There is need to bridge the wide socio-economic gap, which seems to be ever widening. Furthermore, overemphasis on economic and physical development and neglect of human and spiritual values have given rise to all kinds of social problems. Values in society have become distorted. It is very difficult to provide role models for our youths, especially from the present day leaders in the country.
AM: What about the NEP/NDP?
SH: These should not be used for the purpose of enriching only a few people. In the name of the Bumiputras and their rights and privileges, the powerful few in the country have managed to monopolise power and wealth for themselves and their cronies, who consist of Malays as well as non-Malays. There is need for regular and thorough evaluation or appraisal of these policies to ensure that they will really be implemented in the best way to improve the lot of the people.
AM: Can we now turn to your personal side? You have been associated with dissident movements since your youth, in movements such as ASAS 50, then subsequently in Parti Rakyat. Why so, given that some of your concerns about wealth re-distribution were taken up by the Barisan Nasional?
SH: Let me emphasise that just redistribution of wealth has not taken place in this country. Contrary to the claims made by the BN leaders and despite the recognised achievements in economic growth, the problems of concentration of wealth and socio-economic inequity have actually deteriorated. A handful few have become dirt rich mainly through corrupt methods, and they seem to be immune from any form of action, much less prosecution.
Besides corruption, many other social and moral problems have worsened. Why concentrate only on bringing to book the small and medium sized fish? What about the big vicious sharks? In this country, they may number only around twenty. The BN leaders may have taken up our policies, but they have only turned them into slogans and rhetoric, devoid of substance.
AM: Would it be fair to say that, in some way, you too have been a beneficiary of BN government policy when you were given an opportunity to do your PhD at the London School of Economics? Is it not ingratitude to criticise the BN government?
SH: Sorry buddy. I paid for my PhD from my own pocket as a lowly paid lecturer. In fact, I even had to borrow, although I lived very modestly in London.
AM: How has your family taken to your life of dissidence? After all, there must have been times when you must have been invited to join UMNO, possibly even with a promise of a post of some prominence?
SH: Thank God, my wife has always been my strongest pillar of support. My children, who are grown up now, are full of understanding.
AM: Finally, can you summarise for us your vision of Malaysia in 2020?
SH: It is a country where our diverse people can live harmoniously with full human dignity and rights as an integrated national entity. There should be no room for ethnic-based political processes and parties which are divisive and destructive. There should be no concentration of wealth and power in the hands of a sprinkling few, which can lead to vast socio-economic inequities and an authoritarian political system.
The wealth of the country should be fairly redistributed by, among other things, better wages and working conditions for the workers (skilled and unskilled) and more and cheaper social services, especially housing, education and health. Prices of daily necessities should be reasonably controlled by fighting monopoly. And tolls which continue to increase should be reviewed, with the purpose of abolishing them. Water and electricity supply should be regular and uninterrupted. Public monopoly and inefficiency should not be transferred into private monopoly and inefficiency through privatisation or corporatisation.
This country is at the crossroads of rich cultures and civilisations of the world and we have benefited from them. We should continue creatively to further enrich our own cultures by opening to this international cultural heritage. Technological and industrial growth must be encouraged to improve the general livelihood of the people and not to encourage control and monopoly which can further widen social inequities among the people. High moral values must be drawn from our different cultures and religions and strengthened among the young through good education, so that they can serve as strong buttresses against all forms of moral decadence and corruption associated with negative westernisation.
Certainly I would like to see a much better country, society and people in 2020 than now.
AM: And why should the people support you, your party or the opposition coalition? Why not simply stick with a proven formula, warts and all? Why risk something new and untested?
SH: We believe that our policies and programmes are much better for the people than those of the BN. The BN formula has proven itself to be in favour of a small coterie of the rich and powerful and discriminates against the majority. It has made life more difficult for the common people because, as a result of privatisation and lack of reasonable control, the cost of housing, education, health, tolls and the prices of daily necessities have continued to rise and become more burdensome. It serves some people’s greed, not most people’s need. The system is ridden with corruption, cronyism and nepotism at the highest level. There is lack of morality and plenty of double standards among the leaders. It is rotting to the core. Under these circumstances, change is necessary, in fact, inevitable, whether with or without the present leadership. Isn’t life change itself? Why fear change, especially when it provides an opportunity for improvement?